When Kenyan President William Ruto stood before world leaders at the United Nations General Assembly in 2025, his message echoed through the chambers: “Africa must no longer be a guest at the table of global peace — it must be a host.”

It was not a new call, but it carried renewed urgency. The continent that contributes the most peacekeepers, hosts the largest number of UN missions, and shoulders the brunt of global insecurity still lacks a permanent seat on the world’s most powerful decision-making body — the UN Security Council (UNSC).

Why Africa Deserves a Seat

Africa’s case for representation is grounded in both principle and practice. The continent accounts for over 25% of UN member states, contributes nearly 40% of UN peacekeeping  personnel, and is the subject of more than 60% of Security Council agenda items each year. Yet, when resolutions about Africa are passed, no African nation holds a veto, and often none sits in the permanent circle of power that decides the outcome.

President Ruto’s plea builds on a decades-long African consensus: representation in global peace and security structures must reflect 21st-century realities, not 1945’s geopolitical order.

How UNSC Reform Works

Changing the Security Council is no simple vote. It requires:

  • A two-thirds majority approval in the UN General Assembly (currently 129 of 193 member states).
  • Ratification by all five permanent members (P5) — the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Russia, and China.

This means even broad global support cannot succeed without P5 agreement, making reform one of the most diplomatically complex goals in modern international politics.

The Ezulwini Consensus: What Africa Proposes

The African Union’s unified position known as the Ezulwini Consensus (2005) and reinforced by the Common African Position (CAP) — demands:

  • Two permanent seats for Africa with full veto powers, and
  • Five non-permanent seats, increasing Africa’s total presence to seven.

The AU also insists that the continent itself — not individual states — will decide who occupies these seats, through an internal rotational or selection mechanism ensuring equitable regional representation.

Veto Politics and Compromise Paths

The veto power remains the thorniest issue. Granting new vetoes would expand the small club able to block Council action, potentially deepening gridlock. Critics argue that a broader veto system risks more paralysis in crises like Syria or Gaza.

In response, reformers propose hybrid models permanent seats without veto rights, or a collective veto requiring African Union endorsement before being used. Such innovations could preserve efficiency while affirming Africa’s sovereignty in peace and security matters.

Obstacles and Opponents

Reform faces formidable political hurdles.

The Uniting for Consensus bloc (led by Italy, Pakistan, and others) opposes expanding permanent seats, preferring longer-term rotating memberships. Within the P5, resistance stems from fear of diluting influence especially from those who wield their veto most often.

Meanwhile, regional competition within Africa — between powers like Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya complicates consensus on who should represent the continent. However, the AU has proposed a rotational approach to avoid rivalry and maintain unity.

Africa’s Peace Credentials: Proof in Action

  1. Peacekeeping Contributions

As of 2024, African countries collectively provided over 48% of UN peacekeeping troops, with nations like Ethiopia, Rwanda, Ghana, and Kenya among the top ten global contributors. African soldiers patrol the same missions that decide their region’s fate, yet their governments lack a permanent voice in shaping those mandates.

  1. Mediation and Regional Leadership

The African Union and regional blocs such as ECOWAS and IGAD have mediated major peace processes — from Sudan’s 2019 power-sharing deal to Kenya’s mediation in the Ethiopia Tigray conflict and the SADC mission in Mozambique. These successes underscore Africa’s operational legitimacy in peacebuilding and diplomacy.

Global Dynamics and Emerging Allies

Not all major powers oppose reform.

China and France have expressed conditional support for greater African representation, while the United States and United Kingdom back “comprehensive reform” but stop short of endorsing new veto powers. Russia remains non-committal, often linking expansion to “balanced global representation.”

Outside the P5, nations such as India, Brazil, and Japan share Africa’s frustration and align under the G4 coalition, collectively pushing for a more democratic Council.

The Roadmap Ahead

Reform will not happen overnight.

Experts outline a possible multi-phase roadmap:

  1. AU Unity: Consolidate a single negotiation team and finalize selection frameworks for permanent seats.
  1. Diplomatic Blitz: Secure support from at least two-thirds of the General Assembly through regional blocs (Non-Aligned Movement, G77).
  1. Strategic Bargains: Negotiate with P5 members individually — especially those open to trade-offs or symbolic concessions.
  1. Charter Amendment: Pursue the formal process of Article 108 amendment, followed by national ratifications.

Optimists see the late 2020s or early 2030s as the earliest feasible timeline — if momentum holds.

Civil Society and Citizen Power

Beyond government halls, NGOs, think tanks, and diaspora networks can help sustain pressure. Research, advocacy campaigns, and cultural diplomacy can highlight the imbalance in current global governance and amplify Africa’s moral case to world opinion.

Conclusion: A Seat, Not a Favor

Africa’s demand is not charity — it is equity.

As President Ruto reminded the UN, “You cannot talk about peace in Africa without Africa’s voice shaping the conversation.”

With its population projected to exceed 2.5 billion by 2050, and its youth driving innovation and security across the globe, the continent’s inclusion is not just fair — it is essential for global  legitimacy and peace.

The Security Council was designed to prevent world wars.

If it cannot evolve to represent the world it claims to protect, then history — not politics — will render it obsolete.